Care of People with Dementia on Hospital wards ( acute settings) Essay

Care of People with Dementia on Hospital wards ( intense settings) - Essay Example It is yet hazy whether, in spite of copious writing on the administration of dementia in intense consideration settings, the preparation and practice of staff fulfills the needs of the maturing populace. At present, a large portion of the training depends on biomedical model (McCloskey, 2004). Because of ascend in the old populace and synchronous increment in the quantity of patients experiencing dementia, exploration and practice of dementia patients in intense consideration settings is a need so as to address the issues of the patients and their families influenced by dementia. The motivation behind this exposition is to distinguish current practices in the nursing care of patients with dementia in intense consideration settings, examine best practice rules relating to mind of this populace, investigate factors affecting the consideration of dementia patients in intense consideration settings and assess different choices relating to elective methods of the executives. The monetary, social and wellbeing status of the quickly developing old populace represents an incredible test to all parts. The WHO (2006) has anticipated that the older populace of the world will cross the one billion imprint continuously 2020 and at that point, more than 700 million elderly folks individuals will be living in creating nations. It is heartbreaking to state that little consideration is paid to the gigantic needs of the old populace on the grounds that the National Health Services are as yet engrossed with handling of the transferable illnesses, maternal and kid mind and consequently have no time, cash and spot for geriatric issues like dementia. As per the Advisory Panel on Alzheimers Disease (1996, p6), wellbeing experts disregard patients with dementia in view of feeling of weakness relating to the treatment of their medical issues and impression of expanded expense of treatment. In any case, Cherry and Reid (200, p3) opined that nursing staff know about the way t hat they can't convey proper consideration to the old patient and in this way address their issues explicitly. One

The Lady with the Dog and The Garden Party Essays

The Lady with the Dog and The Garden Party Essays The Lady with the Dog and The Garden Party Essay The Lady with the Dog and The Garden Party Essay In day by day life, one is continually given obstructions, difficulties, and openings. It is the thing that One does with these events that characterizes One’s character. With the end goal for change to happen inside an individual, acknowledgment is important. ‘The Garden Party’, composed by Katharine Mansfield and ‘The Lady With the Dog,’ composed by Anton Tchekhov were short stories that concentrated on the result of the decisions One makes dependent on related involvements. The two stories shared one primary topic for all intents and purpose: acknowledgment. In the tales both of the primary characters experience generous change and they are distinctive toward the finish of the story than they were toward the start. Inside their accounts, Mansfield and Tcherkhov expound on how key occasions in One’s life can impact the acknowledgment of progress. Their compositions recount to an account of the significance of relinquishing pre imagined though ts, and the two of them close with the acknowledgment of acknowledgment in the lives of their characters. The fundamental characters of the short stories originate from various universes, one honest and whimsical, and one brutal and unforgiving, yet the two characters experience a comparative excursion towards acknowledgment. The excursion of Moscow-conceived Dmitri Gurov, Tchekhov’s character, starts by clarifying his energy for ladies. While depicting Gurov’s relationship with his significant other, Tchekhov figured out how to convey the profound set issues of Gurov as he â€Å"[c]onsidered her unintelligent, thin, inelegant, feared her, and didn't care to be home.†(pg #) One can assemble from the portrayal of the lady that he cherishes that Gurov doesn't have a great deal of regard for her. Gurov â€Å"[h]ad started being unfaithful to her some time in the past had been unfaithful to her regularly, and, presumably on that account, quite often torn down ladies, and when they were discussed in his quality, used to consider them the lower race.† (pg #)These cites set up Gurov as misanthropic, yet consider that he didn't begin

The Anatomy of a Winning Resume

The Anatomy of a Winning Resume Half a month back one of my essayists sent me a connect to an infographic by www.TopCounselingSchools.org entitled The Anatomy of a Great Resume. The similitudes among dating and pursuit of employment are frequently featured by work searchers, and this infographic is fairly express in draining the likenesses, starting with the inquiry, â€Å"Does your resume get hit on all the time?† Source: Top Counseling Schools The facts may confirm that the opposition for incredible ability is at any rate as furious as the opposition for an extraordinary sentimental accomplice, and the above infographic gives some intriguing insights and guidance. Some of it is fairly amazing, and I figured I would pass it along. I’ve picked only a couple of notable focuses; investigate the infographic for the full report! 1. 77% of HR Managers state they are searching for applicable experience. 48% state explicit achievements. 41% state whether the resume was redone to the vacant position. Truly? I wonder how the HR Managers characterize â€Å"relevant experience† †It appears to be an easy decision that if an employing administrator gets two resumes for a position, the two of which contain the significant foundation however just one of which contains quantifiable accomplishments, the individual who recorded quantifiable accomplishments will be the more appealing competitor. I’m not astonished to see the inclination for modified resumesâ€customization shows that you are happy to go the additional mile. In the event that you do it in the resume, you will do it in the working environment. I accept a triumphant resume will do every one of the three things: state significant experience, feature explicit achievements, AND be tweaked to the position. Do everything and you will have the most obvious opportunity with regards to getting a meeting. 2. Catchphrases: 56% state critical thinking is a watchword they search for and 40% state oral/composed correspondence. Truly?! These are abused trendy expressions; so likely an equivalent number of HR Managers will say NOT to utilize these words! To be sheltered, in the event that you decide to utilize these trendy expressions, attach them to explicit issues comprehended and explicit relational abilities and you will be on top of things. Other top watchwords: Leadership (44%), Team building (33%) and Performance and profitability improvement (31%). Once more, ALWAYS incorporate explicit accomplishments to help the catchphrases. 3. Compose a Summary! Truly HR Managers like seeing a rundown that passes on your extraordinary worth. Accentuation on one of a kind. On the off chance that you sound like every other person, the rundown won't help. The infographic suggests that you tell representatives â€Å"who you are† and that you talk about your â€Å"skills and qualifications.† Watch out for hazardous entanglements! In saying what your identity is, you should incorporate particulars about your experience that different up-and-comers don’t have. Rundown names of organizations or sizes of financial plans. Or on the other hand expound on your interesting enthusiasm or style. In counting your abilities and capabilities, don’t make them conventional. Bind every one of your abilities to an achievement or limit. That way you can genuinely catch eye in the rundown and get the HR Manager to understand more. 4. Don’t utilize an Objective. Target explanations are centered around what you need as opposed to what the organization needs. I’ve been astounded to hear some help for Objective explanations in resumes of late. I don’t get it. I think the individuals supporting for Objective articulations are obsolete and in the minority. Utilize your Summary to state what you need to add to an association. Utilize a title at the highest point of the resume (by and large under your name and contact data) to state what position you are looking for. 5. Edit! Spelling and linguistic blunders are an arrangement executioner. These could be bargain executioners in the dating scene as well! In spite of the fact that the cardinal standard of resume composing is â€Å"There are no rules,† it’s consistently valuable to hear what recruiting chiefs are stating. In any case, studies are innately broken since individuals regularly misconstrue their own activities and conclusions. The Anatomy of a Great Resume infographic gives food to thought, so accept it accordingly. What's more, recollect, no two individuals will have a similar assessment about your resume, so get the best exhortation you can get and Be Yourself, for example compose a resume that communicates who you areand that you are pleased to send to your associations and imminent bosses.

Biography of John Napier, Scottish Mathematician

Life story of John Napier, Scottish Mathematician John Napier (1550-April 4, 1617) was a Scottish mathematician and philosophical author who built up the idea ofâ logarithms and the decimal point as a scientific computation strategy. He additionally had an impact in the realm of material science and space science. Quick Facts: John Napier Known For: Developing and presenting the idea of logarithms, Napiers Bones and the decimal point.Born: 1550 at Merchiston Castle, near Edinburgh, ScotlandDied: April 4, 1617, at Merchiston CastleSpouse(s): Elizabeth Stirling (m. 1572-1579), Agnes ChisholmChildren: 12 (2 with Stirling, 10 with Chisholm)Notable Quote: Seeing there is nothing that is so problematic to numerical practice.... than the increases, divisions, square and cubical extractions of incredible numbers, which other than the monotonous cost of time are... subject to numerous tricky blunders, I started, in this manner, to consider [how] I may evacuate those blocks. Early Life Napier was conceived in Edinburgh, Scotland, into the Scottish respectability. Since his dad was Sir Archibald Napier of Merchiston Castle, and his mom, Janet Bothwell, was the girl of an individual from Parliament, John Napier turned into the laird (land owner) of Merchiston. Napiers father was just 16 when his child, John, was conceived. Similar to the training for individuals from the respectability, Napier didn't enter school until he was 13. He didn't remain in school long, be that as it may. It is accepted that he dropped out and made a trip in Europe to proceed with his examinations. Little is thought about these years, where or when he may have examined. In 1571, Napier turned 21 and came back to Scotland. The next year he wedded Elizabeth Stirling, little girl of Scottish mathematician James Stirling (1692-1770), and bat a palace at Gartnes in 1574. The couple had two kids before Elizabeth kicked the bucket in 1579. Napier later wedded Agnes Chisholm, with whom he had ten kids. On the demise of his dad in 1608, Napier and his family moved into Merchiston Castle, where he carried on with an incredible remainder. Napiers father had been profoundly intrigued and engaged with strict issues, and Napier himself was the same. As a result of his acquired riches, he required no expert position. He kept himself occupied by being engaged with the political and strict discussions of his time. Generally, religion and governmental issues in Scotland right now set Catholics in opposition to Protestants. Napier was hostile to Catholic, as confirm by his 1593 book against Catholicism and the papacy (office of the pope) entitled A Plaine Discovery of the Whole Revelation of St. John. This assault was well known to the point that it was converted into a few dialects and saw numerous versions. Napier consistently felt that on the off chance that he accomplished any notoriety whatsoever in his life, it would be a result of that book. Turning into an Inventor As an individual of high vitality and interest, Napier gave a lot of consideration to his landholdings and attempted to improve the functions of his home. Around the Edinburgh territory, he turned out to be generally known as Marvelous Merchiston for the numerous shrewd systems he worked to improve his harvests and steers. He explored different avenues regarding manures to improve his property, created a device to expel water from overwhelmed coal pits, and bat gadgets to more readily overview and measure land. He likewise expounded on plans to awful expand gadgets that would avoid any Spanish attack of the British Isles. Likewise, he portrayed military gadgets that were like todays submarine, assault rifle, and armed force tank. He never endeavored to assemble any of the military instruments, be that as it may. Napier had an extraordinary enthusiasm for cosmology. which prompted his commitment to arithmetic. John was not only a stargazer; he was engaged with inquire about that necessary extensive and tedious counts of extremely huge numbers. When the thought came to him that there may be a superior and more straightforward approach to perform huge number figurings, Napier concentrated on the issue and went through twenty years culminating his thought. The aftereffect of this work is the thing that we now callâ logarithms. The Father of Logarithms and the Decimal Point Napier understood that all numbers can be communicated in what is presently called exponential structure, which means 8 can be composed as 23, 16 as 24â and so on. What makes logarithms so helpful is the way that the activities of augmentation and division are decreased to basic expansion and deduction. At the point when enormous numbers are communicated as a logarithm, augmentation turns into the expansion ofâ exponents. Model: 102â times 105â can be determined as 10â 25â or 107. This is simpler than multiple times 100,000. Napier initially made this disclosure known in 1614 in his book called A Description of the Wonderful Canon of Logarithms. The creator quickly portrayed and clarified his innovations, yet more critically, he incorporated his previously set of logarithmic tables. These tables were a flash of brilliance and a success with stargazers and researchers. It is said that English mathematician Henry Briggs was so impacted by the tables that he ventured out to Scotland just to meet the designer. This lead to an agreeable improvement including the advancement of Base 10. Napier was likewise answerable for propelling the idea of the decimal portion by presenting the utilization of the decimal point. His recommendation that a basic point could be utilized to isolate the entire number and fragmentary pieces of a number before long became acknowledged practice all through Great Britain. Altered by Anne Marie Helmenstine, Ph.D.

Things I Regret

Things I Regret… Now that I am soon to be an old, decrepit senior, I thought it might be interesting to explore some of the less-than-optimal decisions I’ve made while in college 1. Trying to go for the computer science minor I regret this, because 1) I ended up aborting this plan, and 2) it caused me to take 6.042: Math for Computer Science and 6.006: Algorithms which (especially the second one) had the overall effect of lowering my GPA while also not being very useful while also causing a lot of stress. I wish I had taken 2.008: Design for Manufacturing instead, and maybe an electronics class, or simply gotten ahead in my requirements to graduate for my Mech. E degree. I probably would have had a better academic performance and probably also *cough* a better quality of lifewho knows, maybe because of it I’ll one day be gr8 at optimizing stuff, but for now*shrug emoji*. I also wasn’t really motivated for the best reasons, I think the primary one being maybe thinking software engineering could be a career back-up plan. But I really shouldn’t have been so concerned (there’s still enough perfectly good jobs in mechanical engineering everyone, even if they don’t recruit as aggressively during career fairs :P) I always have this problem where I get excited about stuff, and then distracted, and then intentionally put myself in a disadvantaged position, such as being a mechanical engineer in a computer science class *rolls eyes*. However it should be noted that I do not regret, for one second, taking 6.005: Elements of Software Construction, that class was awesome and very useful. I think maybe the great experience there is what inspired me to take the other two, although I had no idea so much sadness and theoretical math would be involved. 2. Taking 6.042: Math for Computer Science and 6.006: Algorithms See Regret #1. 3. Taking on too many activities This one is a hard one because, of course all the communities I’m now a part of are beloved to me, but I definitely regret doing the in-between stuff that I really shouldn’t have, such as a few jobs freshman and sophomore year (financial struggles, y’all) that probably were not worth it (should have just UROP’d more instead). There were several times I didn’t say “no” when asked to help out with random events or other people’s projects and stuff, and I really should have. probably also had the overall effect of lowering my GPA. I’m getting better at it thoughI haven’t really committed to anything beyond the usual load in about a year, and communicate when I need to take time off from clubs to study and such. 4. Not playing the “GPA game” well See #1, #2, and #3. Should not have taken unnecessarily hard classes (particularly ones outside my chosen field), should not have done too much outside of classprobably could have at least a 0.3 or more higher GPA ^^; (look at me, sounding like a college confidential parent) 5. Not going to class or recitation This is one of the few I can use as a general note of caution to everyone heading into college, or currently there: don’t do it!! just don’t!! Even if you’re in there sleeping, at least be there. There were points in the semester where I was just like “lol class is so not worth” but ultimately, I would end up regretting not going to 100% of lectures and recitations (or at least 90%, everyone has some sick days, interviews etc.) 6. Not realizing all this sooner self explanatory 7. Not asking more people for advice before making decisions Part of the reason my academic path was so weird was that I chose a weird major, 2A-CIR, which is mechanical engineering with robotics. Because my advisor was in mechanical engineering only, I didn’t really know what I was getting into on the electrical/computer science front, and mostly chose classes based on what I thought, at the time, would be useful or helpful to pursuing robotics. It was only after a full 2 years of robotics UROPing that I realized I didn’t have to have as much mastery of software as I thought to perform well, and I ended up wishing I’d taken more electrical classes instead. I wish I had taken more initiative to talk to someone about my course load as it related to robotics (possibly my UROP supervisor, Julian, who’s been awesome to work with) and thinking a little more before picking classes. Then maybe I would have been swayed earlier to abandoning the computer science minor. 8. Having regrets. At the end of the day, it’s hard to imagine anything happening differently. Someone once said to me the phrase, “if you knew better, then you would have known better”. Hindsight is always 20/20, and at a place like MIT, it’s hard to think clearly in the middle of a firestorm. Regret #5, missing classes, was almost never simply because “I didn’t feel like it”, but rather because I hated the class material (6.006, for example) and then, on top of that, would be having a particularly bad day or week (this was a huge problem last fall, when I had a flurry of life issues happen and would be regularly visiting MIT Mental Health). Regret #7, not asking for advice, could be solved with better advising for flex majors, like me, or better advising overall (MIT is actively working to make this better already, so it’s a known issue). Regret #1 and #2, taking those classes I hated, are related to #7, and Regret #6, not realizing sooner, is simply impossible to controlif I realized it sooner, then I would have realized it sooner. I didn’t, and that’s that. Lastly, Regret #3 was doing too many jobs or activities. Well, of course I felt at the time that those student jobs were necessary to financially support myselfit’s only now that I think I could have gotten by without them after all. And if being more cautious in my clubs and activities meant that I wouldn’t have found the incredible people I spend most of my time with now, then I’m glad I still pursued all those things. Finding the activitiesand peoplethat are worthwhile takes time and energy. I don’t regret doing the Muti water project, or restarting the EESA, which led to teaching math to Habesha 6th graders in Roxbury this summer. In fact, those are probably the projects I will remember most from college, and have had the biggest, most immediate impact on the world out of everything I’ve done so far in my whole life. This all is not just a grand excuseI recognize where I could have avoided some stress, and I’ll learn from that and do better. My takeaways from this are to slow down a little bit, even when excited, and think a little longer before making decisions. Ask more people for a different perspective, and take more time to think and plan. I’m sharing that here so hopefully you (incoming freshmen and/or current college students) also take a little more time when deciding on those important things. But, all that said, you can never plan completely for everything in life, and all in all, I’m pretty happy with how it turned out. One more year to go! Post Tagged #6.005 #6.006 #6.042 #Course 2A-CIR - MechE with Robotics #MIT Mental Health

GRE vs. GMAT Which test should I take pre-MBA admissions

Historically, the GMAT has always been the key to business school admissions. But as of 2013, many business schools now accept the GRE. At this point, it’s clear that more students are still taking the GMAT, but the percent of GRE testers is rising. There are a couple reasons for this: (1) Some students find it to be an easier test. (2) There is speculation that business schools will accept a lower GRE score relative to a GMAT score. Why? It’s unclear but the data shows that the average percentile GRE score is lower. At Wharton for example, the average GRE score was in the 65thpercentile, while the average GMAT score was in the 94thpercentile. As a result of this new trend, many aspiring business school applicants are asking the question: Which test will look stronger on my business school application? The GRE or the GMAT? We can’t say for sure which test is preferred by business schools, but can say one thing: Regardless of speculation, aspiring business school applicants should take the test that will best showcase their strengths. To figure out which test will best serve you, let’s first start by comparing the nuts and bolts of the GRE and the GMAT: GRE GMAT Cost $195/test $250/test How Paper-based and computer-based formats Computer-based format Verbal content Emphasis on vocabulary Emphasis on grammar Quantitative Content Same concepts but the question format is easier Same content but the questions are tricky and often ask students to apply the concept in an unfamiliar way Other content 2 writing samples Writing sample Integrated Reasoning section (data interpretation) Time 3 hours 45 minutes 3 hours and 30 minutes Scoring Scored out of 170; Writing sample scored 1-6 Scored out of 800; Writing sample scored 1-6 Now that you understand the basic differences between the GRE and the GMAT, consider this set of questions: Are you decidedly stronger in verbal or math? If clearly stronger in verbal, take the GRE. The GRE’s emphasis on vocabulary and reading comprehension will better serve a natural verbal student.If clearly stronger in math, take the GMAT. GMAT math is significantly more advanced than GRE math. A GMAT tutor can walk you through the tips and tricks, and you’ll be readily on your way to a high score. Are you more comfortable taking a test in paper-based format, rather than a computer based format? If yes, take the GRE.If no, take either. Are you applying to a variety of degrees, or dual-degree programs? If yes, take the GRE. The GRE is more broadly applicable and can be used for most graduate programs, except medical school and law school.If no, take either.Finally, the hardest question because it touches on application strategy: Do you have strong financial or quantitative experiences on your resume? This is tough because we must weigh your ability to do well with the need to back up your application. While the GMAT can serve to build your quantitative chops on the business application (assuming you do not have business experience or an academic background in math/economics/statistics), it will only help if you can perform well on it (i.e. 80th percentile and above). If your chances of performing better on the GRE math section are higher (i.e. 90th percentile and above), take the GRE. Not sure what to make of all this? The best way to figure out which test is right for you is to take a practice GRE and a practice GMAT. With that info in hand, a Cambridge Coaching GMAT tutor or GRE tutor can diagnose performance to help you make the decision that will best support your chances at successful business admissions. ;

Why are there so few women in positions of power in Northern Ireland

Sample details Pages: 30 Words: 9145 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Few women have made an impact on politics in Northern Ireland. The political culture and traditions of Northern Ireland politics are very much male-oriented and whilst women have worked hard for change behind the scenes for many years, few have taken the step into standing as candidates in elections, less still successfully winning elections. Following the Belfast Agreement, things may, slowly, be beginning to change. Mo Mowlam writes enthusiastically of the part that women played in the talks leading up to the Agreement: one of the most remarkable aspects of the talks process was seeing women, not only in the Womens Coalition, but also in other parties, sitting alongside their male colleagues and arguing their points. They brought a new quality of debate to the proceeding (Galligan, Ward Wilford 1999).Nonetheless, despite the election of three women MPs in the first general election (2001) after the Belfast Agreement, women remain massively under-represented in politics in Northern Ireland. This dissertation examines the reasons for this. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Why are there so few women in positions of power in Northern Ireland | Politics Dissertation" essay for you Create order Chapter two looks at the traditional role of women in politics, both in Northern Ireland and in other parts of the world. Election in the UK and policies towards women of other British parties are examined. The chapter also looks at womens movements abroad, in the likes of South Africa and Nicaragua and analyses how they have affected the political landscape in their own countries. Chapter three takes a general overview of women in Northern Ireland, commenting on how they have reacted to the traditional view and values of the Church and the State in the province. The formation of the earlier Womens movements is detailed here although these groups have remained on the borders on mainstream politics, the fact that women have for decades joined together on particular issues is important in the context of womens involvement in politics. The difficulties face by women in what is a conservative, traditional and often sexist culture is also discussed. Chapter four looks at the attitudes towards women in politics held by voters in Northern Ireland and analyses whether the small number of women involved is determined by supply or demand factors. Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this chapter argues that there is no lack of demand for women to be involved in politics amongst the electorate, rather that a number of factors around the inclination of women to enter into politics and the traditional views that still hold sway in Northern Ireland, are influential. This chapter also makes use of research undertaken in interviewing a number of women councillors in Northern Ireland about their perceptions on why many women avoid political life. Various reason for women to remain outside of representative politics are given again he traditional culture of Northern Ireland and perceptions about a womans role are seen as important, Chapter five examines in details the attitudes and policies of the main political parties in Northern Ireland towards womens issues and the role of women within the political parties themselves. Parties in Northern Ireland have traditionally focused primarily on constitutional and security issues to the detriment of womens issues. Party leadership in parties across the political spectrum have been male dominated. This chapter looks at each of the main parties, examining firstly how party structures and leaderships accommodate female members and secondly how party policy makers address (or fail to address)womens issues. Chapter six provides a conclusion to the dissertation. The situation in Northern Ireland where women have traditionally had difficulties establishing themselves within the formal political process has been mirrored, if perhaps not to such an extent, in other Western democracies. Evidence from UK elections indicates a historical prejudice against women candidates, whilst elsewhere in Europe and across the world, there are examples of women having to draw together on their identity as women to challenge their exclusion from politics. Analysis of general elections in Britain indicates that many fewer women than men are selected as prospective parliamentary candidates and those that are usually chosen for less hopeful seats (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). However, the number of has candidates has grown reasonably steadily since 1996, with parties gradually accepting the need to take steps to increase the number of women selected. The Conservative in particular have found this difficult, largely due to the reluctance of the party leadership to interfere with the autonomy and conservative nature of many of its local associations. The Labour Party has had more success. Its party conference took the decision in1993 to try to increase its number of women MPs by introducing policies of positive discrimination. The introduction of all-women shortlist and quotas proved controversial, with the process being deemed illegal by an industrial tribunal in 1996, yet the drive by Labour to increase womens representation paid di vidends with the partys victory in the1997 election, the number of women in the house of Commons doubled to120 (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). Elections for regional assemblies in Scotland and Wales have seen an increase in the number of women winning seats. The systems of proportional representation used in these elections has allowed Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the nationalist policies to ensure that candidates on lists were alternately male and female. As a result over38 per cent of representatives at Holyrood and 40 per cent at Cardiff Bay have been women (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p98). Elsewhere, women have made direct interventions within their political systems to ensure that they are represented within the political process. In Spain, the Womens Democratic Movement (WDM) began as an opposition group to the Franco regime and went onto lobby for womens interests during the countrys democratic transition. It successfully pressured the government into ratifying the Convention for Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In Iceland the Icelandic Womens Alliance (IWA) emerged in the 1980s as a group powerful to win 11.1% of a national poll (Fearon 1999 appendix 1). In Sweden, the issue of womens participation in politics directly compelled women to join together on a cross-party basis in the prelude to the 1994 elections. As a result, Sweden then elected what Faluditerms the most female government in the world a parliament that was41% female with a cabinet that was 50% female. (Fearon 1999, appendix1). More relevant to the issues around womens political involvement in Northern Ireland are the examples of South Africa and Nicaragua, where women have acted together to challenge male-dominated political times when their countries have been undergoing periods of transition. In Nicaragua, women achieved political gains during the revolutionary period but, perceiving that these gains were not being fully transferred to the new society after a transitional period, women joined together to form the Nicaraguan National Coalition of Women(NNCW) in January 1996. Under this cross-party coalition women joined together to educate and themselves and prepared themselves to go backend fight elections within their existing parties in October of that year. The aim was to promote the equitable participation of women in the countrys politics, something that was made difficult, as women within the coalition had historically been political or even military enemies. There were certainly some similarities with Northern Ireland and the group had to strive hard to focus on unity and reaching a consensus. The NNCW was able to agree a minimum agenda emphasising womens participation in civil and political society. In South Africa, women had become influenced by the experiences of womens organisations around the world and the ANC Womens League(ANCWL) sparked a debate across the country about the necessity of organising as women (Fearon 2001 appendix1). In September 1991 thirty womens organisations came together in the Womens National Coalition(WNC) to discuss the drawing up of a womens charter on equality. The charter was eventually produced after a huge participatory exercise that included an estimated 2 million women and was made up of twelve articles, one of which called for mechanisms to enable womens participation in civic and political life (Fearon 2001 appendix 1) The charter was vitally important to the development of women in politics in South Africa as it challenged traditional perceptions and values about the womans place in political and civic life. Another success of the WNC was to lobby hard for a ruling passed in 1993 that required all negotiation delegations to reserve space for women. Prior to the formation of the NIWC, the impact that individuals or groups of women had made on Northern Ireland politics had been relatively minimal. There are however a few examples of women who, although not directly involved as representatives in the political process, made their presence known. In the 1970s, two Belfast women, Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan won the Nobel Peace Prize for leading a peace movement that aimed to end the violence by way of people power. Inspired to action following the death of three children in a car chase involving IRA men, the Peace People as the movement was known called on the people of Northern Ireland to reject terrorism and quickly snowballed into a movement that could attract tens of thousands of people onto the streets in outdoor rallies. The movement eventually failed due to internal divisions within the movement, personality clashes and disputes on how to spend the Nobel Prize money. Whilst still surviving today, the Peace People is n ow a small-scale movement that failed to deliver on the hopes that it once raised. Helen McKendry was a brave Belfast woman who campaigned to raise the issue of the so-called disappeared victims of the IRA, who had included her own mother Jean McConville, taken from the family home in1972 and never heard of again (Independent, March 2, 2005). Following the IRA ceasefire in 1994, McKendry launched a campaign to have her mothers body returned and eventually pressured the IRA into giving details about the location of her mothers body and those of other victims. May Blood was a woman that played a prominent role in the loyalist community for many years, prior to involvement in the NIWC. She was a determined community activist in the Shankhill Road district, concentrating on issues such as housing, welfare, jobs, training, employment and labour relations. Speaking after she had been made across-bench peer in 2000, Baroness Blood stated: My life is about serving this community, particularly young people. For years they have just been fodder for the paramilitaries. We want the next generation to be real people with real futures. (Independent, March 2, 2005). It is worth noting that like May Blood, the trend in Northern Ireland has generally been for women activists to concentrate on community development rather than electoral politics. The situation of women in Northern Ireland is not entirely unique. Whilst the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland affect politics at all levels, the fact remains that women in Northern Ireland share comm on experiences with women elsewhere in terms of the difficulties that they have making an impact in the political arena. Rightly or wrongly, representative politics around the world remains largely dominated by males, and in this respect women in Northern Ireland face the same challenges as women elsewhere. Analysis of the womens movement in Northern Ireland or attempters tointegrate women more fully into the political process must understandsome of the cultural traditions and influences that affect womenslives. As Monica McWilliams states: the role which both the Church andState play shapes not only the more traditional thinking behind some ofthe major institutions, such as the education system or the judiciary,but it also responsible for the extremely conservative ideology forwhich the Province has become infamous (Hughes 1991, p91). Theattitude of the Church has certainly been that the primary role ofwomen is that of mothers and housewives and this has been somethingthat has held women back from entering into politics. Issues aroundsexuality, the dissolution of marriage or rights in the home or at workhave seen feminists face opposition from clergy, politicians and as aresult, their communities. Again McWilliams summarises the situationstating, in the face of such traditional Catholi cism and Protestantfundamentalism, it has proved extremely difficult for women to organisearound issues which are of personal and political influence to them(Hughes 1991,p81). Both the Protestant and Catholic Church have maintained a traditionalline on the domestic role of women. They have exhorted mothers to takeresponsibility for their children by looking after them at home andhave largely opposed political initiatives such as the provision of daycare for children as it poses a challenge to the traditional ideologywhich supports the segregated division of labour in the home. The viewof the Church from half a century ago has remained prevalent in modernday Northern Ireland. Bishop McGean had stated in 1945 that the properplace for the baby is in the home and the proper guardian is themother. Nature decided that and God approved of that decision ofnature (Hughes 1991, p89). Womens groups in Northern Ireland have made gradual progress ininstigating political and social change. They have begun to createstructures that enable individual women to have some measure of controlover their lives. One example is found in the work of an umbrellaorganisation known as The Womens Information Day, along withprojects such as Womens Aid, the Womens Education Project and theNorthern Ireland Womens Rights Movement. All of these groups, formedprior to the establishment of the Northern Ireland Womens Coalition,were organised in a non-sectarian way, holding meetings in bothloyalist and nationalist areas and raising controversial issues thatwere sensitive to one anothers beliefs. In 1985, whilst campaigning onchanges to the benefit system, a group of Catholic and Protestant womentravelled to London to lobby their MPs to oppose a propose SocialSecurity Bill and were appalled to find that their own politicalrepresentatives were more interested in opposing the Anglo-Irishagreeme nt (which had been launched on the same day) and refused to meetthem on the grounds that they were too busy. McWilliams writes thatthey returned home to Belfast on the same night more convinced thanever that their political representatives were much less interested inmatters of social and economic concerns (Hughes 1991, p92). One of the most glaring features of life for women in Northern Irelandhas been the hardship of poverty with all its social, financial andpsychological repercussions. Women in Northern Ireland have come at thetop of research tables listing infant mortality rates, unemployment ordependency on social security (Hughes 1991, p92). It is women who haveexperienced poverty as prisoners wives, as widows, as single parents,divorced, separated or unmarried, as managers of unemployed families,as single and elderly women living alone, or as low paid wage earners.As a result, womens groups such as the Northern Ireland Womens RightsMovement began to offer advice and information to women, producingleaflet to help women in the face of overpowering bureaucracy.McWilliams writes of the pressures upon women in Northern Irelandstating existing from day to day in the North can often become anintolerable strain for women. Not only must they provide a reasonablestandard of living for their kids, but they ha ve the additional anxietyof worrying about husbands and children when they are out of the home.The years of the troubles have added to their pressures and manyrespond y using tranquillisers or smoking excessively (Hughes 1991,p93). Women in Northern Ireland have played a leading role in anti-povertycampaigns, a significant political role which tends to be overlooked bymedia, church leaders and politicians. Such groups have remainednon-hierarchical and have refused to let single individuals becomesolely identified with their campaigns. The non-hierarchical structurehas provided the supportive type of environment that women require andeach group has become knowledgeable about the particular issue underscrutiny. Often the women have maintained links after individualcampaigns have been dissolved. Northern Ireland feminists have played apart in various campaigns and community projects over the last fewdecades. Many cut their political teeth in the civil rights movementsof the 1960s and 1970s and had their first dealings with other feministmovements. Female students at Queens University held a public meetingin1975 which formed an action group with the aim of bringing the roleof women in Northern Ireland into line wit h that of their sisters inBritain (Hughes 1991, p93) and went on to form the Northern IrelandWomens Rights Movement which successfully campaigned to bring the SexDiscrimination Act to Northern Ireland. There are of course issues that divide womens groups in NorthernIreland. Many are related to the national question, which as in allareas of politics in the province, remain difficult to overcome.Whether groups are based on single issues such as Womens Aid or theRape and Incest Line, or more generic groups such as the Derry, Belfastor Falls Road Womens Centres, the political affiliations of membersmay be surreptitiously agued in order to clarify the line that theymight take on the national question. The sheer weight of issues aroundthe constitution and security in Northern Ireland make it near onimpossible for the issue to be ignored. Disputes have occurred between,for example, the Relatives Action Committee and Women AgainstImperialism (which largely supports Sinn Fein) and other womens groupssuch as the Belfast Womens Collective and the Northern Ireland WomensRights Movement. The Belfast Womens Collective argued that it wasvital to work in as wide a range as possible, including area s which maynot initially meet with a big response because they challengetraditional political and religious beliefs (Hughes 1991, p95). TheRelatives Action Committee, on the other hand, organising around thewithdrawal of political statues for the H Block prisoners took the viewthat the campaign about prisons should be central. Regardless of divisions within womens movements in Northern Ireland,the fact remains that the there is a level of oppression caused by theunique nature of politics in the province. Many women arepsychologically scarred by the deaths of or injury to loved ones. Manyothers are emotionally burnt out by the years of armed troops presenton the streets. Women on both sides of the sectarian divide have seenthe destruction of family life when family members are arrested underthe Prevention of Terrorism Act and possibly held for long periodswithout trial. Women visiting husbands and son in prison have beensubjected to degrading and humiliating strip searches. They live infear for the lives of their children and have had the constant worrythat they will be caught in crossfire, caught up in a riot or killed byan explosion. On top of all of these factors, women have also had totackle continuing economic exploitation and sexual oppression. Women in Northern Ireland have had to endure an ingrained culture ofconservative sexism that emanates both from the UK and the Republic ofIreland. They have had to fight for equality of opportunity in theworkplace interestingly, the Equal Opportunities Commission, which isknown to play a more active role in womens lives than its GBcounterpart, was almost abolished in Northern Ireland (Hughes 1991,p96). An influential factor in the under representation of women in NorthernIreland politics has been the traditional assumption of gender rolesand values held by many within the province. These powerful politicaland cultural restraints support the theory that the lack of women inpolitics is due to supply rather than demand factors the electoratehas little problem with female candidates, it is getting women intoposition as candidates for public office that is largely the problem. There is general support amongst the Northern Ireland public for womento be involved in politics and indeed this support has grown steadilythroughout the 1990s and the development of the Belfast Agreement. Oneof the key questions included in the 2002 Northern Ireland Life andTimes Survey was did respondents think that the greater number of womenin politics since the formation of the Northern Ireland Assembly makethings better or worse in Northern Ireland politics? Whilst 44 per centof respondents remained neutral on the question, 41 per cent thought ithad made things better, with only 14 per cent thinking it had madethings worse (NI Life and Times Survey 2002). Attitudes towards therole of women in politics shifted markedly from the survey completed adecade earlier. In 1991, only one fifth of men felt that at least onehalf of senior government posts should be held by women. By 2002 thisfigure had doubled to 40 per cent, with support from women rising from38 per cent to 50 per cent (L ife and Times Survey 2002). Research carried out in 1993 sought to use the experience of womencouncillors within Northern Ireland to attempt to gauge exactly why sofew women were involved in politics at the time. In 1989, only 60 ofthe 566 district councillors were women, equating to a mere 10.6 percent (Wilford et al 1993, p341). Following changes after direct rulewas introduced in 1972, many functions of local government had beenreplaced by intermediate bodies appointed by the Secretary of State forNorthern Ireland. This situation reduced the tiers of local governmentwith Wilford et al commenting Thus, aspiring politicians enjoy anextremely limited opportunity to run for elected office (Wilford et al1993, p343). In addition, council meetings throughout the 1980s wouldoften be used by political parties to argue out their constitutionaldifferences rather than focussing on the relevant issues of localpolitics the symbolic value of politics in Northern Ireland helps toexplain the paucity of women. Interviews wit h women councillorsrevealed six main reasons that they believed explained the small numberof women in Northern Ireland politics psychological, familial,organisational, functional, patriarchal and systematic. All have somerelevance. Psychological reasons included a simple lack of self-esteem felt bywomen. The vast majority of women councillors had been prompted orasked to stand for election by other members rather than have theconfidence to stand on their own initiative. It seems exceptional forwomen to deem themselves eligible for candidature, yet this is setagainst a backdrop where with relatively few people willing to standfor election in local politics and being successful would be seeminglyunproblematic. One SDLP councillor commented on the issue: it neveroccurred to me to standwe (women) had the traditional view that wewere the back up for men: making the tea and the like (Wilford et al1993 p344). Familial reasons were most cited reason for non-participation of womenin politics and reaffirm the ideas of traditional cultural valuescontributing to the role of women in Northern Ireland. There is a cleardifferential in the assumed responsibility of men and women for childrearing in Northern Ireland and this impacts strongly on theopportunity for women to enter into public life. At the very least, astrong and supportive partner is needed by women looking to go intopolitics, yet in addition to this it would appear that many women inNorthern Ireland do not simply put family responsibilities firstbecause that is their assumed role many believe that they actuallyshould put their family first and postpone any political aspirationsuntil their children have reached post-school age. It should also benoted that childcare facilities in Northern Ireland were poor duringthe 1980s and 1990s, a further complication for women that wanted toenter into politics. Organisational reasons for women councillors are similar reasonscommonly cited by women MPs in the UK Parliament the unsocial hoursthat politician are required to work. Councillors in Northern Irelandfound that childcare made it difficult for them to attend councilbusiness scheduled during the day. At the time of the survey, Sinn Feinwas the only political party in Northern Ireland that paid thechildcare expenses of its councillors (wilford et al 1993, p344). Patriarchal reasons for the limited involvement of women in localpolitics in Northern Ireland are based around the attitude of malecouncillors towards their female counterparts. One councillorinterviewed stated: Youre a thorn as a female councillor. Men dontwant you there; theyd prefer it to be all male. They want to be thedominant ones in the council; its true everywhere (Wilford et alp344). Mnay of the women councillors interviewed felt that they werenot taken seriously because of their sex and this was a hugedisincentive to continuing to take an active role in politics. Manyreferred to the cultural belief ingrained in Northern Ireland about awomans place and that the arena of politics was very much a mansworld. There is evidence that women were ghettoised into certaincommittees that were less important and more focussed on what weredeemed to be womens issues home safety committees serve as anexample. Again, the partisanship of politics in Northern Ireland has tobe seen as a facto r here some of the issues likely to be raised bywomen in particular, like pre-school places, education and the NHS,have a tendency to take a back seat to constitutional and securityissues. Finally, under the label of patriarchal concerns were genuineconcerns of sexual harassment within the arena of council politics.Some female councillors reported patronising language as well as outand out harassment. Systematic and functional reasons for non-participation are also given.The lack of power held by local government in Northern Ireland prior tothe Belfast Agreement has been a disincentive women are deterred fromsacrificing family life simply due to the fact that there is relativelylittle to do in local politics and little opportunity to instigateeffective change. For the more ambitious women, local government is notseen as a step on the way to better things and many women see the listsof men waiting to become MPs and simply assume that they have littlechance of ever doing so. A final systematic reason for women stayingout of politics is the actual physical risk involved. It is not unheardof for Northern Ireland councillors to be targeted or even murdered byparamilitaries. Much of the research carried out with female councillors supports thetheory that it is indeed supply rather than demand that limits thenumber of women involved in politics in Northern Ireland. With onlythree women MPs being elected between 1972 and 1990 (Wilford et al1993, p345) there is clearly a problem in attracting candidates. In looking at the demand for women in politics, whilst there isevidence that the public has a growing desire to see women involved inpolitics, it is also important to examine the reasons that people inNorthern Ireland think that there are relatively few women involved.The 2002 Life and Times Survey asked for explanations as to why thereare so few women in politics: What is noticeable from this research is that the main factors appearto be based on a conscious choice made by women rather thandiscrimination against them. Women not putting themselves forward ascandidates and putting their families before their political aspirationappear to be more decisive factors than a view that women do not havethe interest in or capability to succeed in politics. Certainly thisattitude has hardened during he 1990s. Whilst in the 1991 survey womensaw the reason for a lack of women as a mixture of barriers andinclination, by 2002 the most important reasons are clearly womens owninclinations and choices. Another important perception is that aroundwhether or not people assume that women candidates lose votes in boththe 1991 and 2002 surveys, only around one third of respondents thoughtthat this was the case. One of the obvious solutions to the fact that there are proportionatelyfew women involved inpolitics in Northern Ireland would be theintroduction of positive discrimination policies by the major parties.Howver, whilst there appears to be a view that women involve themselvesin the political process and be encouraged to do so, there is littleevidence that parties should actually be required to blance theircandidate lists with similar numbers of men and women. When questionedas to whether political parties should be required to put forward aproportion of women candidates, only 19 per cent of respondents agreed 17 per cent of men and 21 per cent of women (Life and Times Survey2002). The more common view was that political parties should beencouraged to put forward a proportion of women candidates 55 percent agreed with this (52 per cent of men and 57 per cent of women).The survey also asked whether the parties should put more resourcestowards the campaign of women candidates than men ca ndidates: this metwith a slightly more positive response with 33 per cent of men and 45per cent of women agreeing that more resources should be assigned towomen candidates. A further indicator that there is sufficient demandfor women politicians came from the questions asking respondents tochoose four attributes they would most like to see in Northern Irelandpoliticians and the attributes that they would then use to describeboth male and female politicians. Clearly, the Northern Ireland see women candidates as most likely tohave the attributes that they see as desirable. Whilst male politiciansare seen largely as aggressive, ruthless and crafty, female politiciansare seen as more likely to be honest, approachable and willing tocompromise. Attitudes in Northern Ireland towards women politician are generallyfavourable. These attitudes have noticeably become more positive since1991 and voters are now looking to parties to present them with morewomen candidates both in the Northern Ireland Assembly and atWestminster. Whilst barriers to women entering politics remain, theyappear to have been diluted over the last 10-15 years and whilst thereis still some discrimination against women in politics this haslessened. Perhaps most importantly of all in terms of attitudes towardswomen in politics, there appears to be a consensus that the qualitiesthat women bring to political life are closer to the qualitiesidentified in an ideal candidate or representative than are of thoseof men in politics. Other research on specific questions about the role of women inpolitics gives a good insight into the attitudes of the NorthernIreland electorate. Surveys On line asked respondents what proportionof senior government posts should be held by women. Male Female % % A majority 2 3 About half 18 35 At least some 47 38 Nodefinite proportion 31 21 None 2 2 This would suggest that theelectorate is generally happy to see women holding some of the mostimportant posts in government. Again, this would suggest that there isno problem in terms of demand for women to be involved in politics inNorthern Ireland. Opinions of the general involvement of women onpolitics give a similar picture. Asked about women being elected to anational assembly, respondents felt that there should be: Again the broad consensus appears to be in favour of women beinginvolved in politics. Research indicates a slight imbalance in thatwomen appear to be more strongly in favour of a greater political role,but men also are broadly in favour of womens involvement The attitudes towards women in politics in Northern Ireland stronglysupport the theory that it is supply rather than demand that restrictsthe role of women in politics across the province. Certainly voters areon the whole not prejudiced against women candidates, and whilsttraditional values may be upheld by a proportion of the population,there is little to suggest that voters in Northern Ireland woulddeliberately turn their backs on female candidates. It would appearthat the demand for women politician is there the difficulty isovercoming traditional values held by women themselves to provide thesupply. Party politics in Northern Ireland and the way in which women relate tothe parties have to be seen in a different light to party politics inthe rest of the United Kingdom. The sway that nationalism and loyalismhave over party politics in Northern Ireland inevitably relegate otherissues to a position of secondary importance. The close relationshipbetween party politics and paramilitarism that has existed for so longhas been advantageous to men whilst detrimental to women. Feminism haslargely taken a backseat to the constitutional goals of politicalparties, with Wilford and Galligan suggesting that feminists inparticular, have discovered that their agendas have been, and are,tolerated only to the extent that they acknowledge the primacy ofmutually exclusive constitutional goals (Galligan et al 1999, p170). Some of the figures on party membership paint a more positive pictureon womens political involvement than do statistics on women appearingas candidates or representatives. Whilst only 1.6 per cent women and2.1 per cent of men in 1996 belonged to a political party, some partiesreported high proportions of women as members. The Democratic Unionists(DUP) and the Alliance Party (APNI) reported that 60 per cent and 50per cent of their members respectively were women, whilst the UlsterUnionist Party (UUP) with 42 per cent, The Social Democratic and LabourParty (SDLP) with 47 per cent and Sinn Fein 47 per cent (Galligan et al1999, p170) also showed healthy membership figures amongst women. It ishowever the roles that woman play within their parties that is theissue. Only the ANLI and the SDLP have been chaired by women and awoman has led none of the major parties. The difficulties faced by women in exerting influence within theirparties are reflected by the feelings of neglect felt by some femaleparty members. One female Ulster Unionist councillor commenting on herpartys commitment to the concerns of women states, policies on womenare virtually non-existent. Of all the parties they are way down thelist. Lip service only is paid to what women do, its pretty well amale preserve, its an uphill battle whilst a Sinn Fein councillorechoed the sentiments stating the issues that affect women are buried.A lot arent dealt with because men think they are womens problems(Galligan et al 1999, p173). A more detailed look at the policies ofindividual parties helps to explain the position of women in politicsacross Northern Ireland as a whole. The UUP has its own womens council (the UWUC) that was established in1911 and provides 155 members for the partys plenary body , the852-member Ulster Unionist Council. This equates to 18 per cent of theplenary body. The partys most important policy making body has beenits executive committee, with 120 members elected by the eighteenparliamentary constituency associations in 1995 this included only 18women (15 per cent). More recently it has established a Womens AffairsCommittee, which consists of eight members notably the committeeremains opposed to any form of positive discrimination to increase thenumbers of women in either party or public office. The partys 1997general election manifesto made a clear commitment to merit selectionof candidates as opposed to the introduction of any positivediscrimination policies. The partys record on policies directedspecifically towards women was patchy during the 1990s. Its PolicyStatement on Womens Issues for the 1992 general election for exam plewas only two pages long (Galligan et al 1999, p174). Manifesto pledgesin relation to women have generally centred on equal opportunities inthe workforce, whilst often referring to opportunities for women thatwill tie in with family responsibilities. On a more positive note, theparty has looked to adopt policies that, whilst not aiding women whowish to enter into politics, allow women to more easily utilise theirtalents in the wider community. Family friendly practices by employersare encouraged, along with the introduction of flexible workingpatterns and better provision of nursery care at the workplace. Theparty and in particular its Womens Affairs Committee have also takensteps to address the concerns of older women supporting improvementsin the quality old life for older women through more accessible localservices. The UUP appears to be slowly accepting a change in gender roles whilststill clinging onto the belief that a womans natural place is in thehome. The UUP blends aspects of gender reinforcement with both genderrecognition and gender neutrality, even managing to insert a certainawareness of the need to reconstruct gender roles is the conclusion ofWilford and Gilligan (Gilligan et al 1999, p175) and indeed thissummarises the somewhat confused position of the UUP it realises thatwomen are playing a more prominent role in society, but as yet it isunwilling to allow them access to political influence. The DUP tends to takes more conservative stance in relation to womensissues than the UUP. It has remained opposed to any ideas of positivediscrimination and has had few women as part of the party leadership.Its manifestos in general election prior to the Belfast Agreement paidlittle attention to womens issues the 1992 manifesto contained abrief section on women, whilst the 1997 version ignored them completelyand devoted itself to constitutional matters. Policy commitments havealso been rather vague. The party supports state-subsidised crchefacilities in the workplace and flexible working arrangements forworking mothers, yet has constructed these proposals around theseemingly reluctant proposition that women find themselves in theposition of having to go to work rather than choosing to do so. Thereare further hints of gender reinforcement in other areas of DUP policy.Seeing women as either or victims or potential victims there arepolicies around increased funding for shelters for bat tered wives,fighting pornography and increasing sentences for rapists. The partyhas called for the appointment of more women to the judiciary on thegrounds that they could bring to their job an extra dimension ofsensitivity and understanding (Galligan et al 1999, p176). The overallimpression of DUP policy on women is that it sees itself as a maledominated party with a duty to protect women. It has done relativelylittle to actively promote womens entry into politics. The Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), the political wing of theparamilitary Ulster Defence Association has long had a party hierarchydominated by males, yet in some of its policies shows more of anawareness and willingness to address issues than other major parties inNorthern Ireland. Like the DUP, it has supported the provision ofworkplace nurseries and the introduction of flexible working patternsfor women, whether married or single. It also supports equal employmentopportunities for single mothers, equal pay for equal work and equalrights and benefits for both full time and part time workers. The UDPhas also been supportive of increased training and educationalopportunities for women whilst opposing reductions in social securitypayments to single mothers. It has also supported the availability offree comprehensive family planning facilities and has supported aspectsof the 1967 Abortion Act. Certainly amongst its loyalist rivals, theUDP stands out as the party most in tune with gender recognition andmoves away from gender stereotyping in it policies. Its has yet tointroduce preferential treatment for women in selection of candidatesfor election, but its more open-minded policies suggest that it is aparty in which women could eventually flourish. The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) on the other hand has includedrhetoric in its recent manifestos calling for the inclusion of women inpolitics. Its 1997 manifesto stated that women have a role to play atall levels of political activity and encouraged women to putthemselves forward as party delegates, officers and electioncandidates. Whether the party is genuinely serious about this however,remains in doubt. The same manifesto, whilst dealing comprehensivelywith constitutional and security issues, included few details onwomens issues and the male dominated leadership suggests that its callfor women to be involved may have been cosmetic rather than a genuineappeal. The Alliance Party has had more success integrating women into theparty hierarchy. Its organisational structure is based on twenty-threelocal associations by the late 1990s, six of them were chaired bywomen (Galligan et al 1999, p176). Whilst by no means an equal split,the Alliance Party has at least moved a proportion of women intoinfluential party roles. Of the 23 associations, ten had women assecretaries and a further ten as treasurers. Its manifestos have givensupport to the representation of women. Whilst its 1997 manifestoincluded only half a page on womens issues it did commit to supportfor equality of opportunity for women and so supporting EU directiveson social and economic equality for women. The Alliance Party has alsoacknowledged that womens issues are ignored because they are notrepresented in the places where they can argue for them (Galligan etal 199, p177), again a position that supports the supply rather thandemand theory in relation to women in politics in Norther n Ireland. Nationalist parties Sinn Fein and the SDLP appear to how more of acommitment to ensuring that women play an active role with partystructures. Sinn Fein had from the early 1990s adopted gender basedpositive discrimination policies that guaranteed a 40 per cent quota ofwomen on its national executive. The SDLP followed suit in 1995following a motion passed at its 1994 conference calling for aprogramme of affirmative action to ensure that half of the posts withinthe party were filled by women. The actual outcome within the SDLP wasthat 40 per cent of positions on the national executive were to be heldby women as well as two places on its General Council which hadresponsibility for developing and overseeing the implementation of newpolicies (Galligan et al 1999, p172). Both parties have furthersupported their positive discrimination policies with otherinitiatives. Both deliver training and development courses that aretargeted at encouraging women to make themselves available for bothpart y and public office positions. Such policies are quite radical inthe context of Northern Ireland, certainly in comparison to theattitudes of the other main parties. It should be noted, that evenamongst the supporters of Sin Fein and the SDLP, there is notwidespread support for positive discrimination .As Wilford and Galliganconclude Not only do employment and promotion quotas for women findonly minority support within both the general population and amongstparty identifiers but public opinion in Northern Ireland also regardssex discrimination as less of a problem than that base on religion,disability and age (Galligan et al 1999, p172). SDLP manifestos and party documents have been broadly supportive ofwomens rights. Its 1997 manifesto included a section dedicated toreal equality and partnership in relation to women and its has shownsupport for the implementation of a minimum wage, the adoption of theSocial Charter, the provision of universally available childcare andpositive discrimination tailored at promoting opportunity for women inthe employment market. The party also lent its support for a review oflegislation on equal pay and discrimination and called for newlegislation on sex offences in addition to supporting theimplementation of the strategic objectives on womens health agreed atthe 1995 UN world conference on women held in Beijing. A party documententitled Half the Future also specifically addressed the issue ofwomens representation, suggesting that the involvement of women inpolitics was beneficial to the overall balance of party policy. Againsupporting the idea of positive discrimination, the document a rguesthat the lack of involvement of women in public office led to theomission of their priorities and world view from the processes oflegislation and administration (Wilford et al 1999, p178) and proposedthe creation of a minister for equality who would in particularencouragement pro-active gender-equality policies in the employmentsector. Sinn Fein has been the party that has spoken out most openly on womensissues. Its 1997 manifesto included the statement Women in Irelandsuffer from systematic and institutionalised sexual discrimination(Gilligan et al 1999,p179) and stated its aim to achieve equality ofcitizenship for women. However, in what can be as interpreted as awatering down of its rhetoric, Sinn Fein has committed itself topositive discrimination as under the 1989 Fair Employment Act whichsanctions the applications of goals and timetables, rather than actualquotas in relation to women seeking employment. Within the workplaceSinn Fein calls for equal pay for work of equal value and for reformsof the education system to combat sexism and gender stereotyping. Incommon with the SDLP it has called for the legal extension for thedefinition of rape and for the development of a more multifacetedapproach to eradicate violent crimes against women. Sinn Fein has alsosupported statutory funding for rape crisis centres and improvedtraining for legal and medical personnel on the effects of rape. Interms of womens health it has called for more resources to be madeavailable for preventative medicine and for better provision of healthcare for pregnant women. Finally, Sinn Fein has sanctioned directpositive discrimination in relation to funding for womensorganisations and women-only community based courses. The Northern Ireland Womens Coalition (NIWC) was formed in 1996following the announcement by the British and Irish governments thatmulti-party talks were to commence on the future of Northern Ireland.Organisers of the NIWC saw the potential for the talks as massivelysignificant but have written that an active sense of being excludedfrom the future was being felt by many Northern Irish women (Fearon1999, p2). Undoubtedly, many women felt that the negotiations would bealmost exclusively male and feared for their future representationunder whatever agreement was reached. As Fearon writes NorthernIreland does not have a good track record in electing women (Fearon1999, p3). One major issue for the NIWC to overcome was the fact that the womensmovement within Northern Ireland had remained divided along sectarianlines. There had been rare examples of unity, for example bothcommunities cooperating in 1985 to lobby against a Social SecurityBill, but generally division had been a factor that had limited theeffectiveness of womens movements across Northern Ireland. Politicalinvolvement with one of the major parties had offered little for womenin terms of progressing womens issues. Fearon accurately summarisesthe situation prior to the formation of the NIWC stating moreover by1996,a significant number of women in Northern Ireland had come to feelthat to join one of the traditional nationalist or unionist parties wasto sell your soul (Fearon 1999, p12). The NIWC appealed to the electorate in Northern Ireland on the groundsthat, by electing women, voters can move away from sectarian basedpolitics and achieve the required changes to bring about politicalaccommodation and build a peaceful society. It moved away from thetraditional fixed positions of the constitution held by the establishedpolitical parties and, buoyed by the support of the electorate for anincrease in the numerical representation of women has campaigned on theplatform that women can make a difference. Its manifestos have includedsome women specific policies, yet the main aim of the coalition hasbeen to increase the number of women engage in politics. Whether theNIWC can ever establish itself as a genuine political force remains tobe seen. It has played a part at then negotiating table during talks onthe Belfast Agreement, yet whilst the electorate maybe disaffected withthe established parties and keen to se more women in politics, whenelections come around it is still difficult for Northern Ireland votersto move away from trenched constitutional and security positions.Nonetheless, the NIWC has been a positive force in establishing womenat the heart of politics in Northern Ireland. It is difficult to draw broad conclusions as to the overall attitudesof the political parties in Northern Ireland on the inclusion of women,such is the wide scope of positions that they hold. There have been,and remain, several obstacles in the way of equality of opportunity forwomen and the parties have used different approaches to tackle them.There has been a general consensus that there must be more equality ofopportunity for women, but the parties have differed in how this shouldbe done and no as of yet have adopted full endorsement of positivediscrimination in both the spheres of employment and politicalopportunity. The major unionist parties in particular still tend tofocus more on the domestic and familial roles of women, with Wilfordand Gilligan surmising that there may, in effect, be an ideologicallink here between their conservatism on the issue of the union andtheir attitudes towards women (Gilligan et al 1999, p181). Somewhat incontrast, the more social democratic, even s ocialist views of the likesof the SDLP and Sinn Fein create to opportunity for a greater pursuitof equality of opportunity for women. The general conclusion that canbe made is that there is a differential between what can be seen as thenominal right wing and left wing parties in Northern Ireland. The moretraditional parties such as the UUP and DUP provide what Wilford andGilligan term clear evidence for the perpetuation of traditionalgender roles within their organisations and in terms of public policy.Each shares the experience of constructing or defending a primarilynational identity, which implies the subordination of womens concernsto the overarching demands of shaping perceptions of the nation(Gilligan at al 1999, p182). Sinn Fein and the SLP on the other handappear more open to the idea of quotas and positives discrimination toensure the inclusion of women in politics in Northern Ireland. Groupssuch as the NIWC appear to provide a more positive platform for womensparticipation in politics, yet its failure to support polices ofpositive discrimination reflect the public view that whilst more womenin politics is desirable, the issue should not be forced. As Wilfordand Galligan conclude on the issue of political parties and theirattitudes towards women its difficulty is, of course, that thearticulation of gender and communal inclusiveness in a deeply dividedsociety is drowned out by the clamour of competing nationalisms(Galligan et al 1999 p182). The Belfast Agreement was quite explicit in its call for the inclusionof all within the political process in Northern Ireland. It specifiedin its section on rights, safeguards and equality of opportunity thatNorthern Ireland should offer the right to equal opportunity in allsocial and economic activity, regardless of class, creed, disability,gender or ethnicity. Election results since the Agreement was reachedhave shown at least some positive signs. Women have been elected againas MPs to represent Northern Ireland constituencies and very graduallywomen are beginning to be include in the leadership of the majorparties. Nonetheless, woken remain proportionally under-representedacross Northern Ireland. The reasons for this are diverse. Northern Ireland has clung on totraditional values as to the role of women both before and after theBelfast Agreement. The perception remains that the womans place is inthe home and this plays a large part in the under-representation ofwomen the fact is that many women themselves continue to take thisview and put any political aspirations as secondary to their familialrole the supply of women into politics remains hampered by thisfactor. The political parties also play a large parting maintained theunder-representation of women. Whilst womens groups are able todevelop prominent roles within their communities, party structuresremain male-dominated. Until affirmative action policies in terms ofselecting candidates are adopted, women will remain in the minority inthe political arena. Women in democratic regimes across the world have been largelyunder-represented. Womens groups can be formed to campaign or lobby onparticular issues or indeed simply to further their own role, but as inNorthern Ireland, real proof of genuine political influence can onlyreally come through a much larger representation of women withinlegislative bodies and within the hierarchy of political parties. Women have been consistently involved in politics in Northern Ireland,but largely in community-based projects or on the periphery of the realdecision-making processes. Women who have played an active role at theheart of Northern Irelands political arena are few and far between.The sectarian and paramilitary aspect to politics in Northern Irelandhas obviously disadvantaged women. Councillors interviewed speak ofgenuine fears of political involvement alum with frustration at thefutility of politics in an arena so dominated by longstandingconstitutional and security issues. Certainly, there is a unique aspectto politics in Northern Ireland that appears to make the possibility ofwomen having significant influence even more difficult than it is inother democracies. The issue of supply and demand is often discussed in relation to theinvolvement of women in politics in Northern Ireland. The traditionalviews seen to be held my many of the population would at first glanceappear to suggest that there is little demand for women at the heart ofpolitics and that this is a determining factor. The actual evidencesuggests otherwise. Voters in Northern Ireland are actually quite keento see women involved in politics. Voters both male and female have ageneral perception that women in politics will be a positive force andwill instigate change for the better. Where voters draw the linehowever, is on the issue of positive discrimination. The people ofNorthern Ireland would like to see more women involved in politics, butdo not support affirmative action as a way to secure this. As a result, the organisation of the major political parties remains amajor stumbling block to a Northern Ireland in which women and men arenumerically balanced. Some of the parties remain inherently exist they may have policies for women but these are largely based aroundhelping women to uphold what is seen as their traditional role athome raising a family. Certainly within the more conservative partiesthere is little in the way of encouragement for women to put themselvesforward as candidates either for election for public office or forinfluential roles within the party. Within what would be termed as themore progressive parties, there is a greater acknowledgment of genderrecognition and the fact that womens issues are important, but still,the balance of power remains very much with men. The likes of Sinn Feinand the SDLP place a greater influence on womens issues and indeedtheir rhetoric indicate a desire to see more women involved in thehigher echelons of politics. Proof that th e rhetoric can be translatedinto action however remains to be seen. These parties have taken stepsto increase the number of women candidates and women within theleadership, but it would seem that only policies of positivediscrimination will actually establish an equal spit along genderlines. Northern Ireland, in spite of the progress made through the BelfastAgreement remains a fairly traditional and conservative part of theworld. Outright sexism maybe diminishing but there remains anundercurrent of opinion that politics is a mans world. It will be along and difficult process to change this perception. Nonetheless, theattitudes of many within Northern Ireland do give hope for women inNorthern Ireland that either have political aspirations of their own orsimply wish to see more women representing them. There is a demand forwomen to be involved in politics in Northern Ireland. There is a demandfor women to take up roles in the decision and policy making apparatusof the major political parties and there is a demand for women asrepresentatives both within the Northern Ireland Assembly and atWestminster. What needs to happen is for the political parties andwomen in Northern Ireland to find a way to actually supply women tomeet the demand. The most obvious way is through polici es of positivediscrimination but there are other options. Women councillors havegiven a number of reasons as to why they feel there are few womeninvolved in politics. Somehow, these barriers have to be overcome.Women need to overcome the traditional culture within Northern Irelandand develop a stronger inclination to become involved in politics. Thepath to equal representation of men and women may be difficult, but ifwomens voices are truly to be heard within the province, there has tobe a concerted effort by Northern Irelands women to push themselvesforward to the forefront of the political arena and overcome theestablished barriers. Fearon Kate, The Story of the Northern Ireland Womens Congress, Blackstaff Press, Belfast 1999 Galligan Y, Ward E Wilford R, Contesting Politics in Northern Ireland North and South, Westview Press 1999 Hughes E (ed) Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, Open University Press, Buckingam 1993 Leonard D Morytimore R, Elections in Britain a voters guide, Palgrave Press,Basingstoke 2002 Norris Pippa, Britain Votes 2001, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002 Northern Ireland Life and Time Survey 2002 Wilford R, Miller R, Bell Y Donaghue F, In Their Own Voices:Women Councillors inNorthern Ireland, Public Administration vol 73 1993